Historical Account of the Expedition Against the Ohio Indians

Created: Monday, 29 December 2008 Last Updated: Wednesday, 26 February 2014 Written by Nathan Zipfel Print Email





Including his Transactions with the INDIANS,
Relative to the DELIVERY of their PRISONERS,



To which are annexed



Reflections on the War with the Savages; a Method of forming Frontier
Settlements; some Account of the Indian Country; with a List of
Nations, Fighting Men, Towns, Distances, and different Routs.
The whole illustrated with a MAP and COPPER-PLATES.

Published, from authentic Documents, by a Lover of his Country.

LONDON, reprinted for T. JEFFERIES, Geographer to his MAJESTY.
At Charing Crof., MDCCLXVI.



HE general peace, concluded between Great-Britain, France and Spain, in the year 1762, although viewed in a different lights by persons variously affected in the mother country, was nevertheless universally considered as a most happy event in America.

To behold the French, who had so long instigated and supported the Indians, in the most destructive wars and cruel depredations on our frontier settlements, at last compelled to cede all Canada, and restricted to the western side of Mississippi, was what we had long wished, but fiercely hoped an accomplishment of in our own days.  The precision with which our boundaries were expressed, admitted of no ground for future disputes, and was matter of exultation to every one who understood and regarded the interest of these colonies.  We had now the pleasing prospect of "entire*" security from all molestation of the Indians, since French intrigues could "no longer be employed to seduce, or French force to support them."

"Unhappily, however, we were disappointed in this expectation.  Our danger arose from that very quarter, in which we imagined ourselves in the most perfect security; and jest at the time when we concluded the Indians to be entirely awed, and almost subjected by our power, they suddenly fell upon the frontiers of our most valuable settlements, and upon all our out-lying forts, with such unanimity in the design, and with such savage fury in the attack, as we had experienced, even in the hottest times of any former war."

*The several quotations in this introduction are taken from the Annual Register, 1763, which is written with great diligence and truth, so far as the writer appears to have been furnished with materials.

Several reasons have been assigned for this perfidious conduct on their part; such as an omission of the usual presents, and some settlements made on lands not yet purchased from them.  But these causes, if true, could only affect a few tribes, and never could have formed so general a combination against us.  The true reason seems to have been a jealousy of our growing power, heightened by their seeing the French almost wholly driven out of America, and a number of forts now possessed by us, which commanded the great lakes and rivers communicating with them, and awed the whole Indian country.  They probably imagined that they beheld "in every little garrison the germ of a future colony," and thought it incumbent on them to make one general and timely effort to crush our power in the birth.  

By the papers in the Appendix, a general idea may be formed of the strength of the different Indian nations surrounding our settlements, and their situation with respect to each other.

The Shawanese, Delawares and other Ohio tribes, took the lead in this war, and seem to have begun it rather to precipitately, before the other tribes in confederacy with them, were ready for action.

Their scheme appears to have been projected with much deliberate mischief in the intention, and more than usual skill in the system of execution.  They were to make one general and sudden attack upon our frontier settlements in the time of harvest, to destroy our men, corn, cattle, &c. as far as they could penetrate, and to starve our out-posts, by cutting off their supplies, and all communication with the inhabitants of the Provinces.

In pursuance of this bold and bloody project, they fell suddenly upon our traders whom they had invited into their country, murdered many of them, and made one general plunder of their effects, to an immense value.

The frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, were immediately over-run with scalping parties, marking their way with blood and devastation wherever they came, and all those examples of savage cruelty, which never fail to accompany an Indian war.

All our out-forts, even at the remotest distances, were attacked about the same time; and the following ones soon fell into the enemies hands-viz.
Le Boeuf,

Le Boeuf, Venango, Presqu'Isle, on and near lake Erie; La Bay upon lake Michigan; St. Joseph's, upon the river of that name; Miamis upon the Miamis river; Ouachtanon upon the Ouabache; Sandusky upon lake Junundat; and Michilimackinac.

Being but weakly garrisoned, trusting to the security of a general peace so lately established, unable to obtain the least intelligence from the colonies, or from each other, and being separately persuaded by their treacherous and savage assailants that they had carried every other place before them, it could not expected that these small posts could hold out long; and the fate of their garrisons is terrible to relate.

The news of their surrender, and the continued ravages of the enemy, struck all America with consternation, and depopulated a great part of our frontiers.  We now saw most of those posts, suddenly wrested from us, which had been the great object of the late war, and one of the principal advantages acquired by the peace.  Only the forts of Niagara, the Detroit and Fort-Pitt, remained in our hands, of all that had been purchased with so much blood and treasure.  But these were places of consequence, and we hope it will ever remain an argument of their importance, and of the attention that should be paid to their future support, that they alone continued to awe the whole power of the Indians, and balanced the fate of the war between them and us!

These forts, being larger, were better garrisoned and supplied to stand a siege of some length, than the places that fell. Niagara was not attacked, the enemy judging it to strong.

The officers who commanded the other two deserved the highest honour for the firmness with which they defended them, and the hardships they sustained rather than deliver up places of such importance.

Major Gladwin, in particular, who commanded at the Detroit, had to withstand the united and vigorous attacks of all the nations living upon the Lakes.

The design of this publication, and the materials in my hands, lead me more immediately to speak of the defense and relief of Fort Pitt.

The Indians had early surrounded that place, and cut off all communication from it, even by message.  Tho' they had no cannon, nor understood the methods of a regular siege, yet, with incredible boldness, they posted themselves under the banks of both rivers by the walls of the fort, and continued as it were buried there, from day to day, with astonishing patience; pouring in an incessant storm of musquetry and fire arrows; hoping at length, by famine, by fire, or by harassing out the garrison, to carry their point.

Captain Ecuyer, who commanded there, tho' he wanted several necessaries for sustaining a siege, and the fortifications had been greatly damaged by the floods, took all the precautions which art and judgement could suggest for the repair of the place, and repulsing the enemy.  His garrison, joined by the inhabitants, and surviving traders, who had taken refuge there, seconded his efforts with resolution.  Their situation was alarming, being remote from all immediate assistance, and having to deal with an enemy from whom they had no mercy to expect.

General Amherst, the commander in chief, not being able to provide in time for the safety of the remote posts, bent his chief attention to the relief of the Detroit, Niagara, and Fort-Pitt.  The communication with the two former was chiefly by water, from the province of New-York; and it was on the account the more easy to throw succours into them.  The detachment sent to the Detroit arrived there on the 29th of July, 1763; but Captain Daivell, who commanded that detachment, and seventy of his men, lost their lives in a reencounter with the Indians near the fort.  Previous to this disaster he had passed thro' Niagara, and left a reinforcement their.

Fort Pitt remained all this while in a most critical situation.  No account could be obtained from the garrison, nor any relief sent to it, but by a long and tedious land march of near 200 miles beyond the settlements, and through those dangerous passes where the fate of Braddock and others still rises on the imagination.

Col. Bouquet was appointed to march to the relief of this fort, with a large quantity of military stores and provisions, escorted by the shattered remainder of the 42nd and 77th regiments, lately returned in a dismal condition from the West-Indies, and far from being recovered of their fatigues at the siege of the Havannah.  General Amherst, having at that time no other troops to spare, was obliged to employ them in a service which would have required men of the strongest constitution and vigour.

Early orders had been given to prepare a convoy of provisions on the frontiers of Pennsylvania, but such were the universal terror and consternation of the inhabitants, that when Col. Bouquet arrived at Carlisle, nothing had yet been done.  A great number of the plantations had been plundered and burnt, by the savages; many of the mills destroyed, and the full-ripe crops stood waving in the field, ready for the sickle, but the reapers were not to be found!

The greatest part of the county of Cumberland, thro' which the army had to pass, was deserted, and the roads were covered with distressed families, flying from their settlements, and destitute of all necessaries of life.

In the midst of that general confusion, the supplies necessary for the expedition became very precarious, nor was it less difficult to procure horses and carriages for the use of the troops.

The commander found that, instead of expecting such supplies from a miserable people, he himself was called by the voice of humanity to bestow on them some share of his own provisions to relieve their present exigency.  However in 18 days after his arrival at Carlisle, by the prudent and active measures which he pursued, joined to his knowledge of the country, and the diligence of the persons he employed, the convoy and carriages were procured with the assistance of the interior parts of the country, and the army proceeded.

Their march did not abate of fears of the dejected inhabitants.  They knew the strength and ferocity of the enemy.  They remembered the former defeats even of our best troops, and were full of dissidence and apprehensions on beholding the small number and sickly state of the regulars employed in this expedition.  Without the least hopes, therefore, of success, they seemed only to wait for the fatal event, which they dreaded, to abandon all the country beyond the Susquehannah.

In such despondency of mind, it is not surprising, that tho' their whole was at stake, and depended entirely upon the fate of this little army, none of them offered to assist in the defense of the country, by joining the expedition; in which they would have been of infinite service, being in general well acquainted with the woods, and excellent marksmen.

It cannot be contested that the defeat of the regular troops on this occasion, would have left the province of Pennsylvania in particular, exposed to the most imminent danger, from a victorious, daring, and barbarous enemy; for (excepting the frontier people of Cumberland county) the bulk of its industrious inhabitants is composed of merchants, tradesmen and farmers, unaccustomed to arms, and without a militia law.

The legislature ordered, indeed, 700 men to be raised for the protection of the frontiers during the harvest; but what dependence could be placed in raw troops, newly raised and undisciplined?  Under so many discouraging circumstances, the Colonel (deprived of all assistance from the provinces, and having none to expect from the General, who had sent him the last man that could be removed from the hospitals) had nothing else to trust to, but about 500 soldiers of approved courage and resolution indeed, but infirm, and intire strangers to the woods, and to this new kind of war.  A number of them were even so weak, as not to be able to march, and sixty were carried in wagons to reinforce the garrisons of the small posts on the communication.

Meanwhile Fort-Ligonier, situated beyond the Allegheny-Mountains, was in the greatest danger of falling into the hands of the enemy, before the army could reach it.  The stockade being very bad, and the garrison extremely weak, they had attacked it vigorously, but had been repulsed by the bravery and good conduct of Lieutenant Blane who commanded there.

The preservation of that post was of the utmost consequence, on account of its situation and the quantity of military stores it contained, which if the enemy could have got possession of, would have enabled them to continue their attack upon Fort-Pitt, and reduced the army to the greatest straights.  For an object of that importance, every risk was to be run; and the Colonel determined to send through the woods, with proper guides, a party of thirty men to join that garrison.  They succeeded by forced marches in that hazardous attempt, not having been discovered by the enemy till they came within sight of the Fort, into which they threw themselves, after receiving some running shot.

Previous to that reinforcement of regulars, 20 volunteers, all good woodsmen, had been sent to Fort-Ligonier by Capt. Ourry, who commanded at Fort-Bedford another very considerable magazine of provisions, and military Stores, the principal and centrical stage between Carlisle and Fort-Pitt, being about 100 miles distance from each.  This Fort was also in a ruinous condition, and very weakly garrisoned, although the two small intermediate posts, at the crossings of the Juniata and of Stony Creek, had been abandoned to strengthen it.

Here the distressed families, scattered for 12 or 15 miles round, fled for protection, leaving most of their effects a prey to the savages.

All the necessary precautions were taken by the commanding officer, to prevent surprise, and repel open force, as also to render ineffectual the enemies fire arrows.  He armed all the fighting men, who formed two companies of volunteers, and did duty with the garrison till the arrival of two companies of light infantry, detached as soon as possible from Colonel Bouquet's little army.

These two magazines being secured, the Colonel advanced to the remotest verge of settlements, where he could received no fort of intelligence of the number, position, or motions of the enemy.  Not even at Fort-Bedford, where he arrived with his whole convoy on the 25th of July, for tho' the Indians did not attempt to attack the fort, they had by this time killed, scalped, and taken eighteen persons in that neighbourhood, and their sculking parties were so spread, that at last no express could escape them.  "This (want of intelligence) is often a very embarrassing circumstance in the conduct of a campaign in America.  The Indians had better intelligence, and no sooner were they informed of the march of our Army, than they broke up the siege of Fort-Pitt, and took the rout by which they knew we were to proceed, resolved to take the first advantageous opportunity of an attack on the march."

In this uncertainty of intelligence under which the Colonel laboured, he marched from Fort-Bedford the 28th of July, and as soon as he reached Fort-Ligonier, he determined very prudently to leave his wagons at that post, and to proceed only with the pack horses.  Thus disburdened, the army continued their rout.  Before them lay a dangerous defile at Turtle Creek, several miles in length, commanded the whole way by high and craggy hills.  This defile he intended to have passed the ensuing night, by a double or forced march; thereby, if possible, to elude the vigilance of so alert an enemy, proposing only to make a short halt in his way, to refresh the Troops, at Bushy-Run.

When they came within half a mile of that place, about one in the afternoon, (August 5th, 1763) after an harassing march of seventeen miles, and just as they were expecting to relax from their fatigue, they were suddenly attacked by the Indians, on their advanced guard; which being speedily and firmly supported, the enemy was beat off, and even pursued to a considerable distance.

*But the flight of these barbarians must often be considered as a part of the engagement, (if we may use the expression) rather than a dereliction of the field.  The moment the pursuit ended, they returned with renewed vigour to the attack.  Several other parties, who had been in ambush in some high grounds which lay along the flanks of the army, now started up at once, and falling with a resolution equal to that of their companions, galled our troops with a most obstinate fire.

It was necessary to make a general charge with the whole line to dislodge them from these heights.  This charge succeeded; but still the success produced no decisive advantage; for as soon as the savages were driven from one post, they still appeared on another, till by constant reinforcements they were at length able to surround the whole detachment, and attack the convoy which had been left in the rear.

This maneuver obliged the main body to fall back in order to protect it.  The action, which grew every moment hotter and hotter, now became general.  Our troops were attacked on every side; the savages supported their spirit throughout; but the steady behaviour of the English troops, who were not thrown into the least confusion by the very discouraging nature of this service, in the end prevailed; they repulsed the enemy, and drove them from all their posts with fixed bayonets.

The engagement ended only with the day, having continued from one without any intermission.

*The above quotation is from the writer already mentioned, and seems so accurately and elegantly drawn up, from the account of this engagement, sent to his Majesty's ministers, that nothing better can be inserted in its room.  There are but one or two small mistakes in it, which are here corrected.

The ground, on which the action ended, was not altogether inconvenient for an encampment.  The convoy and the wounded were in the middle, and the troops, disposed in a circle, incompassed the whole.  In this manner, and with little repose, they passed an anxious night, obliged to the strictest vigilance by an enterprising enemy who had surrounded them.

Those who have only experienced the severities and dangers of a campaign in Europe, can fiercely form an idea of what is to be done and endured in an American war.  To act in a country cultivated and inhabited, where roads are made, magazines are established, and hospitals provided; where there are good towns to retreat to in case of misfortune; or, at the worst, a generous enemy to yield to, from whom no consolation, but the honour of victory, can be wanting; this may be considered as the exercise of a spirited adventurous mind, rather than a rigid contest where all is at stake, and mutual destruction the object: and as a contention between rivals for glory, rather than a real struggle between sanguinary enemies.  But in an American campaign every thing is terrible; the face of the country, the climate, the enemy.  There is no refreshment for the healthy, nor relief for the sick.  A vast inhospitable desert, unsafe and treacherous, surrounds them, where victories are not decisive, but defeats are ruinous; and simple death is the least misfortune which can happen to them.  This forms a service truly critical, in which all the firmness of the body and mind is put to the severest trial; and all the exertions of courage and address are called out.  If the actions of these rude campaigns are of less dignity, the adventures in them are more interesting to the heart, and more amusing to the imagination, than the events of a regular war.

But to return to the party of English, whom we left in the woods.  At the first dawn of light the savages began to declare themselves, all about the camp, at the distance of about 500 yards; and by shouting and yelling in the most horrid manner, quite round that extensive circumference, endeavoured to strike terror by an ostentation of their numbers, and their ferocity.  

After this alarming preparative, they attacked our forces, and, under the favour of an incessant fire, made several bold efforts to penetrate into the camp.  They were repulsed in every attempt, but by no means discouraged from new ones.  Our troops, continually victorious, were continually in danger.  They were besides extremely fatigued with a long march, and with the equally long action, of the proceeding day; and they were distressed to the last degree by a total want of water, much more intolerable than the enemy's fire.

Tied to their convoy, they could not lose fight of it for a moment, without exposing, not only that interesting object, but their wounded men, to fall a prey to the savages, who pressed them on every side.  To move was impracticable.  Many of the horses were lost, and many of the drivers, stupefied by their fears, hid themselves in the bushes, and were incapable of hearing or obeying orders.

Their situation became extremely critical and perplexing, having experienced that the most lively efforts made no impression upon an enemy, who always gave way when pressed; but who, the moment the pursuit was over, returned with as much alacrity as ever to the attack.  Besieged rather than engaged; attacked without interruption, and without decision; able neither to advance nor to retreat, they saw before them the most melancholy prospect of crumbling away be degrees, and entirely perishing without revenge or honour, in the midst of those dreadful desserts.  The fate of Braddock was every moment before their eyes; but they were more ably conducted.

The commander was sensible that everything depended upon bringing the savages to a close engagement, and to stand their ground when attacked.  Their audaciousness, which had increased with their success, seemed favourable to this design.  He endeavoured, therefore, to increase their confidence as much as possible.

For that purpose he contrived the following stratagem.  Our troops were posted on an eminence, and formed a circle round their convoy from the proceeding night, which order they still retained.  Col Bouquet gave directions, that two companies of his troops, who had been posted in the most advanced situations, should fall within the circle; the troops on the right and left immediately opened their files, and filled up the vacant space, that they might seem to cover their retreat.  Another company of light infantry, with one of grenadiers, were ordered "to lie in ambuscade," to support the two first companies of grenadiers, who moved on the feigned retreat, and were intended to begin the real attack.  The dispositions were well made, and the plan executed without the least confusion.

The savages gave entirely into the snare.  The thin line of troops, which took possession of the ground which the two companies of light foot had left, being brought in nearer to the center of the circle, the barbarians mistook those motions for a retreat, abandoned the woods which covered them, hurried headlong on, and advancing with the most daring intrepidity, galled the English troops with their heavy fire.  But at the very moment when, certain of success, they thought themselves matters of the camp, the two first companies made a sudden turn, and sallying out from a part of the hill, which could not be observed, fell furiously upon their right flank.

The savages, though they found themselves disappointed and exposed, preserved their recollection, and resolutely returned the fire which they had received.  Then it was the superiority of combined strength and discipline appeared.  On the second charge they could no longer sustain the irresistible shock of the regular troops, who rushing upon them, killed many, and put the rest to flight.

At the instant when the savages betook themselves to flight, the other two companies, which had been ordered to support the first, rose "from the ambuscade," marched to the enemy, and gave them their full fire.  This accomplished their defeat.  The four companies now united, did not give them time to look behind them, but pursued the enemy till they were totally dispersed.

The other bodies of the savages attempted nothing.  They were kept in awe during the engagement by the rest of the British troops, who were so posted as to be ready to fall on them upon the least motion.  Having been witnesses to the defeat of their companions, without any effort to support or assist them, they at length followed their example and fled.

This judicious and successful maneuver rescued the party from the most imminent danger.  The victory secured the field, and cleared all the adjacent woods.  But still the march was so difficult, and the army had suffered so much, and so many horses were lost, that before they were able to proceed' they were reluctantly obliged to destroy such part of their convoy of provisions as they could not carry with them for want of horses.  Being lightened by this sacrifice, they proceeded to Bushy-Run, where finding water, they encamped.'

A plan of this engagement is annexed, and it was thought the more necessary here to insert a particular account of it, as the new maneuvers and skilful conduct of the commander, seem to have been the principal means, not only of preserving his army in the most critical situation, but likewise of ensuring them a complete victory.

The enemy lost about sixty men on this occasion, some of them their chief warriors; which they reputed a very severe stroke.  They had likewise many wounded in the pursuit.  The English lost about fifty men and had about sixty wounded.

The savages, thus signally defeated in all their attempts to cut off this reinforcement upon its march, began to retreat with the utmost precipitation to their remote settlements, wholly giving up their designs against Fort-Pitt; at which place Col. Bouquet arrived safe with his convoy, four days after the action; receiving no further molestation on the road, except a few scattered shot from a disheartened and flying enemy.

Here the Colonel was obliged to put an end to the operations of this campaign, not having a sufficient force to pursue the enemy beyond the Ohio and take advantage of the victory obtained over them; nor having any reason to expect a timely reinforcement from the provinces in their distressed situation.  He was therefore forced to content himself with supplying Fort-Pitt, and other places on the communication, with provisions, ammunition, and stores; stationing his small army to the best advantage he could, against the approach of winter.

*Another reason for being so particular in this account, is that the military papers annexed to this work, and the plan for carrying on any future war with the Indians, were composed upon the experience of this engagement, by an officer long employed in the service he describes.  His own improvement was his principal motive in the composition of them; but being told that they might convey many useful hints to others, and be of much service if laid before the public, he was pleased, upon my request, freely to communicate them to me for that purpose.

The transactions of the succeeding campaign will be the subject of the following work, and we shall conclude this introduction, by showing the sense which his Majesty was pleased to entertain, of the conduct and bravery of the officers and army, on this trying occasion.


His Majesty has been graciously pleased to signify to the commander in chief, his royal approbation of the conduct and bravery of Col. Bouquet, and the officers and troops under his command, in the two actions of the 5th and 6th of August; in which, notwithstanding the many circumstances of difficulty and distress they laboured under, and the unusual spirit and resolution of the Indians, they repelled and defeated the repeated attacks of the Savages, and conducted their convoy safe to Fort-Pitt.

                        Signed    MONCREIS,
                                Major Of Brigade

To Colonel Bouquet,
Or officer commanding at Fort-Pitt.







  N the preceding introduction, some account hath been given of the sudden, treacherous and unprovoked attack, made by the Indians upon the frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, soon after the publication of the general peace, at a  time when we  were but just  beginning to respire from our former calamities, and looked for an approach of quiet on every side.  The principal transactions of the campaign 1763 have likewise been briefly recapitulated, and the reader informed by what means the editor became possessed of the valuable papers, which have enabled him to bring the history of this Indian war to a conclusion, and furnished the materials of the following sheets.

Colonel Bouquet, as before mentioned, not having a sufficient number of troops to garrison the different posts, under his command, and at the same time to cross the Ohio and take advantage of the dejection into which he had thrown the enemy, by the defeat at Bushy-Run, was obliged to restrain his operations to the supplying the forts with provisions, ammunition and other necessities.

In the execution of this service, he received no annoyance from the enemy, for they now saw themselves not only forced to give up their designs against Fort-Pitt; but, retreating beyond the Ohio, they deserted their former towns, and abandoned all the country between Presque-Isle and Sanduski; not thinking themselves safe till they arrived at Muskingam.

Here they began to form new settlements, and remained quiet during the winter.  But, in the mean time, having supplied themselves with powder, &c. from the French traders, (and now flattering themselves that the great distance of their settlements would render them inaccessible to our troops) the ensuing spring 1764 presented these savage enemies afresh on our frontiers; ravaging and murdering with their utmost barbarity.

To chastise them for their perfidy, General Gage resolved to attack them on two different sides, and to force them from our frontiers; by carrying the war into the heart of their own country.  With this view, he destined a corps of troops to proceed under Col. Bradstreet, to act against the Wiandots, Ottawas, Chipwas and other nations, living upon or near the lakes; while another corps, under the command of Col. Bouquet, should attack the Delawares, shawnanese, Mingoes, Mohickons, and other nations, between the Ohio and the lakes.

These two corps were to act in concert; and as that of Col. Bradstreet could be ready much sooner than the other, he was to proceed to Detroit, Michilimackinac and other places.  On his return, he was to encamp and remain at Sanduski, to awe, by that position, the numerous tribes of Western Indians, so as to prevent their sending any assistance to the Ohio Indians, while Colonel Bouquet should execute his plan of attacking them to the heart of their settlements.

Col. Bouquet's expedition was to proceed altogether by land, and was on that account attended with great difficulties.  His men were to penetrate through a continued depth of woods, and a savage unexplored country; without roads, without posts, and without a retreat if they failed of success.  When once engaged in these deserts, they had no convoy, nor any kind of assistance to expect.  Every thing was to be carried with them-their ammunition, baggage, tools, stores, and provisions necessary for the troops during the whole expedition.  And besides, they were liable to many embarrassments, and difficulties which no prudence could foresee, scarce any caution prevent; so that, in this account, sundry things, which, in the usual method of conducting military operations, might not be thought worthy of a detail, may nevertheless be found highly serviceable to those who may afterwards be employed in this species of war, which is new to Europeans, who must submit to be instructed in it by experience, and in many articles even by the savages themselves.

Part of the 42d and 60th regiments were ordered on this expedition, and were to be joined by two hundred friendly Indians, and the troops required of Virginia and Pennsylvania.  The Indians never came, and the Virginians pleaded their inability to raise men, having already in pay about 700 militia for the defense of their own frontier.  In Pennsylvania, a bill for raising 1000 men was passed May 30th; but, with the utmost diligence that could be used, the number could not be completed till the beginning of August.

On the 5th of that month, the men being assembled at Carlisle, one hundred and eighteen miles to the westward of Philadelphia, Governor Penn, who had accompanied Col. Bouquet to that place, acquainted the two Pennsylvania battalions with the necessity we were laid under of chastising the Indians "for their repeated and unprovoked barbarities on the Inhabitants of the Province; a just resentment of which, added to a remembrance of the loyalty and courage of our provincial troops on former occasions, he did not doubt, would animate them to do honour to their country; and that they could not but hope to be crowned with success, as they were to be united with the same regular troops, and under the same able commander, who had by themselves, on that very day, the memborable 5th of August in the preceding year, sustained the repeated attacks of the savages, and obtained a complete victory over them." - He also reminded them "of the exemplary punishments that would be inflicted on the grievous crime of desertion, if any of them were capable of so far forgetting their solemn oath and duty to their king and country, as to be involved in it."

Col. Bouquet then assumed the command of the regular and provincial troops; and the four following days were spent in the necessary preparations for their march; the Colonel giving the most express orders to the officers and men to observe strict discipline, and not to commit the least violation of the civil rights or peace of the inhabitants. - - He, at the same time, made the most prudent regulations for a safe and commodious carriage of the baggage, taking care to rid himself of all unnecessary encumbrances.

The 13th of August this small army got to Fort Loudoun; but notwithstanding all the precautions taken to prevent desertion, the Pennsylvania troops were now reduced to about 700 men.  The Colonel was therefore under a necessity to apply to the government of that province to enable him to compleat their number to the full complement; which was generously granted by a resolve of the Governor and Commissioners August 16th; and the army advancing now beyond the settled parts of Pennsylvania, he made application to the colony of Virginia, where (under the countenance of Governor Fauquier) the men wanted were soon raised, and joined the army at Pittsburg, about the latter end of September.

Nothing material happened in their march, from Fort Loudoun to Fort Pitt, (formerly Fort De Quesne) on the Ohio, three hundred and twenty miles west from Philadelphia; at which place Col. Bouquet arrived the 17th of September.

During this interval, several large convoys were forwarded under strong escorts; and though the enemy continued their ravages all that time on the frontiers, they durst not attack any of those convoys, which all arrived safe at Fort Pitt.

While Col. Bouquet was at Fort Loudoun, he received dispatches by experts from Colonel Bradstreet, dated from Presque-Isle August 14th, acquainting him that he (Colonel Bradstreet) had concluded a peace with the Delawares and Shawanese; but Colonel Bouquet perceiving clearly that they were not sincere in their intentions, as they continued their murders and depredations, he determined to prosecute his plan without remission, till he should receive further instructions from General Gage; who, upon the same principles, refused to ratify the treaty, and renewed his orders to both armies to attack the enemy.

About the time of Colonel Bouquet's arrival at Fort Pitt, ten Indians appeared on the north side of the Ohio, desiring a conference; which stratagem the savages had made use of before, to obtain intelligence of our numbers and intentions.  Three of the party consented, though with apparent reluctance, to come over to the Fort; and as they could give no satisfactory reason for their visit, they were detained as spies, and their associates fled back to their towns.

On the 20th of September Colonel Bouquet sent one of the above three Indians after them with a message, in substance as follows-"I have received an account from Colonel Bradstreet that your nations had begged for peace, which he had consented to grant, upon assurance that you had recalled all your warriors from our frontiers; and in consequence thereof, I would not have proceeded against your towns, if I had not heard that, in open violation of your engagements, you had since murdered several of our people.

As soon as the rest of the army joins me, which I expect immediately, I was therefore determined to have attacked you, as a people whose promises can no more be relied on.  But I will put it once more in your power to save yourselves and your families from total destruction, by giving us satisfaction for the hostilities committed against us.  And first you are to leave the path open for my expresses from hence to Detroit; and as I am now to send two men with dispatches to Colonel Bradstreet who commands on the lakes, I desire to know whether you will send two of your people with them to bring them safe back with an answer?  And if they receive any injury either in going or coming, or if the letters are taken from them, I will immediately put the Indians now in my power to death, and will show no mercy for the future to any of your nations that shall fall into my hands.  I allow you ten days to have my letters delivered at Detroit, and ten days to bring me back an answer."

He added "that he had lately had in it his power, while they remained on the other side of the river, to have put their whole party to death, which punishment they had deserved by their former treachery; and that if they did not improve the clemency now offered to them, by returning back as soon as possible with all their prisoners, they might expect to feel the full weight of a just vengeance and resentment."

We have been the more particular in our account of this first transaction with the Indians; because the Colonel's firm and determined conduct in opening the campaign, had happy effects in the prosecution of it, and shows by what methods these faithless savages are to be best reduced to reason.

On the 1st of October, two of the six Nation tribes, an Onondago and Oneida Indian, came to Fort Pitt, and under colour of our ancient friendship with them, and their pretended regard to the English, endeavoured to dissuade the Colonel from proceeding with the army.  They told him that his force was not sufficient to withstand the power of the numerous nations through whose countries he was to pass, and assured him that if he would wait a little, they would all come and make peace with him; at the same time recommending it particularly to him to send back the two Indians detained as spies.  These little arts being clearly made use of to spin out the season till the approach of winter should render it impossible to proceed, they made but little impression.  He told them that he could not depend on the promises of the Delawares and Shawanese; and was determined to proceed to Tuscarowas, where, if they had any thing to say, he would hear them.

In the meantime, he was using the utmost diligence to prepare for his march, and was obliged to enforce the severest discipline.  One woman belonging to each corps, and two nurses for the general hospital, were all that were permitted to follow the army.  The other women in the camp, and those unnecessary in the garrison, were ordered immediately down the country into the settlements.  Two soldiers were shot for desertion; an example which became absolutely necessary to suppress a crime which, in such an expedition, would have been attended with fatal consequences, by weakening an army already to small.

Colonel Bouquet, having a length, with great difficulty, collected his troops, formed his magazines, and provided for the safety of the posts he was leave behind him, was ready on the 2d of October to proceed from Fort Pitt, with about 1500 men, including drivers and other necessary followers of the army.

As a just idea of the conduct of this expedition, and the great caution taken to prevent surprise, will be best obtained from the ORDER OF MARCH, we shall here insert it, with a Copper Plate for the illustration of it, and an accurate Draught, taken from actual surveys, of the road and adjacent country, through which the army passed.

The Colonel, expressing the greatest confidence in the bravery of the troops, told them, "he did not doubt but this war would soon be ended, under God, to their own honour, and the future safety of their country, provided the men were strictly obedient to orders, and guarded against the surprises and sudden attacks of a treacherous enemy, who never dared to face British troops in an open field; that the distance of the enemy's towns and the clearing roads to them, must necessarily require a considerable time; that the troops in those deserts, had no other supplies to expect but the ammunition and provisions they carried with them; and that therefore the utmost care and frugality would be necessary in the use of the."  He published the severest penalties against those who should be found guilty of stealing or embezzling any part of them, and ordered his March in the following manner.--

A corps of Virginia *volunteers advanced before the whole; detaching three scouting parties.  One of them, furnished with a guide, marched in the center path, which the army was to follow.  The other two extended themselves in a line a-breast, on the right and left of the aforesaid party, to reconnoiter the woods.

Under cover of this corps, the ax men, consisting of all the artificers, and two companies of light infantry, followed in three divisions, under the direction of the chief engineer, to clear three different paths, in which the troops and the convoy followed, vix. -

The front face of the square, composed of part of the 42d regiment, marched in a column, two deep, in the center path.

The right face of the square, composed of the remainder of the 42d and of the 60th regiment, marched in a single file in the right hand path.

The first battalion of Pennsylvanians composed the left face, marching in like manner in the path to the left of the center.

The corps de reserve, composed of two platoons of grenadiers, followed the right and left faces of the square.

The 2d battalion of Pennsylvanians formed the rear face of the square, and followed the corps de reserve, each in a single file, on the right and left hand paths; all these troops covering the convoy, which moved in the center path.

A party of light horse-men marched behind the rear-face of the square, followed by another corps of Virginia volunteers, forming the rear-guard.

The Pennsylvania volunteers, dividing themselves equally, and marching in a single file, at a proper distance, flanked the right and left faces of the square.

*These were the men raised in Virginia to complete the Pennsylvania troops, and were in the pay of the last mentioned province.
This was the general order of march.  Nor was less attention paid to particular matters of a subordinate nature.  The ammunition and tools were placed in the rear of the first column, or front face of the square, followed by the officers' baggage, and tents.  The oxen and sheep came after the baggage, in separate droves, properly guarded.  The provisions came next to the baggage, in four divisions, or brigades of pack0horses, each conducted by horse matter.

The troops were ordered to observe the most profound silence, and the men to march at two yards distance from one another.  When the line or any part of it halted, the whole were to face outwards; and if attacked on their march, they were to halt immediately, ready to form the square when ordered.  The light horse were then to march into the square, with the cattle, provisions, ammunition and baggage.  Proper dispositions were likewise made in case of an attack in the night; and for encampments, guards, communications between the sentries, signals, and the like.

Things being thus settled, the army decamped from Fort-Pitt on Wednesday October 3d, and marched about one mile and an half over a rich level country, with stately timber, to camp No. 2. a strong piece of ground, pleasantly situated, with plenty of water and food for cattle.

Thursday October 4th, having proceeded about two miles, they came to the Ohio, at the beginning of the narrows, and from thence followed the course of the river along a flat gravelly beech, about six miles and a quarter; with two islands on their left, the lowermost about fix miles long, with a rising ground running across, and gently sloping on both sides to its banks, which are high and upright.  At the lower end of this island, the army left the river, marching through good land, broken  with small hollows to camp No. 3; this day's march being nine miles and a quarter. -
Friday October 5th.  In this day's march the army passed through Loggs-town, situated seventeen miles and an half, fifty seven perches, by the path, from Fort-Pitt.  This place was noted before the last war for the great trade carried on there by the English and French; but its inhabitants, the Shawanese and Delawares, abandoned it in the year 1750.  The lower town extended about sixty perches over a rich bottom to the foot of a low steep ridge, on the summit of which near the declivity, stood the upper town, commanding a most agreeable prospect over the lower, and quite across the Ohio, which is about 500 yards wide here, and by its majestic easy current adds much to the beauty of the place.  Proceeding beyond Logg's-town, through a fine country, interspersed with hills and rich valleys, watered by many rivulets, and covered with stately timber, they came to camp No. 4; on a level piece of ground, with a thicket in the rear, a small precipice round the front, with a run of water at the foot, and good food for cattle.  This day's march was nine miles, one half, and fifty-three perches.

Saturday October 6th, at about three miles distance from this camp, they came again, to the Ohio, pursuing its course half a mile farther, and then turning off, over steep ridge, they crossed Big Beaver-Creek, which is twenty perches wide, the ford stony and pretty deep.  It runs through a rich vale, with a pretty strong current, its banks high, the upland adjoining it very good, the timber tall and young. ---------- About a mile below its confluence with the Ohio, stood formerly a large town, on a steep bank, built by the French of square logs, with stone chimneys, for some of the Shawanese, Delaware and Mingo tribes, who abandoned it in the year 1758, when the French deserted Fort Du Quesne.  Near the fording of Beaver-Creek also stood about seven houses, which were deserted and destroyed by the Indians, after their defeat at Bushy-Run, when they forsook all their remaining settlements in this part of the country, as has been mentioned above.

About two miles before the army came to Beaver-Creek, one of our people who had been made prisoner by six Delawares about a week before, near Fort Bedford, having made his escape from them, came and informed the Colonel that there Indians had the day before fallen in with the army, but kept themselves concealed, being surprised at our numbers.  Two miles beyond Beaver-creek, by two small springs, was seen the scull of a child, that had been fixed on a pole by the Indians.  The Tracts of 15 Indians were this day discovered.  The camp No. 5 is seven miles one quarter and fifty-seven perches from big Beaver-creek; the whole march of this day being about twelve miles.

Sunday 7th October, passing a high ridge, they had a fine prospect of an extensive country to the right, which in general appeared level, with abundance of tall timber.  The camp No. 6 lies at the foot of a steep descent, in a rich valley, on a strong ground, three sides thereof surrounded by a hollow, and on the fourth side a small hill, which was occupied by a detached guard.  This day's march was six miles sixty five perches.

Monday 8th October, the army crossed little Beaver-creek, and one of its branches.  This creek is eight perches wide, with a good ford, the country about it interspersed with hills, rivulets and rich valleys, like that described above.  Camp No. 7 lies by a small run on the side of a hill, commanding the ground about it, and is distant eleven miles one quarter and forty-nine perches from the last encampment.

Tuesday October 9th.  In this day's march, the path divided into two branches, that to the southwest leading to the lower towns upon the Muskingham.  In the forks of the path stand several trees painted by the Indians, in a hieroglyphic manner, denoting the number of wars in which they have been engaged, and the particulars of their success in prisoners and scalps.  The camp No. 8 lies on a run, and level piece of ground, with Yellow-creek close on the left, and a rising ground near the rear of the right face.  The path after the army left the forks was so brushy and entangled, that they were obliged to cut all the way before them, and also to lay several bridges, in order to make it passable for the horses; so that this day they proceeded only five miles, three quarters and seventy perches.

Wednesday 10th.  Marched one mile with Yellow-creek on the left at a small distance all the way, and crossed it at a good ford fifty feet wide; proceeding through an alternate succession of small hills and rich vales, finely watered with rivulets, to camp No. 9. seven miles and sixty perches in the whole.

Thursday 11th.  Crossed a branch of Muskingham river about fifty feet wide, the country much the same as that described above, discovering a good deal of free Stone.  The camp No. 10. had this branch of the river parallel to its left face, and lies ten miels one quarter and forty perches from the former encampment.

Friday 12th.  Keeping the aforesaid creek on their left, they marched through much fine land, watered with small rivers and springs; proceeding likewise through several savannahs or cleared spots, which are by nature extremely beautiful; the second which they passed being, in particular, one continued plain of near two miles, with a fine rising ground forming a semicircle round the right hand side, and a pleasant stream of water at about a quarter of a mile distant on the left.  The camp No. 11. has the abovementioned branch of Muskingham on the left, and is distant ten miles and three quarters from the last encampment.

Saturday 13th.  Crossed Nemenshehelas creek, about fifty feet wide, a little above where it empties itself into the aforesaid branch of Muskingham, having in their way a pleasant prospect over a large plain, for near two miles on the left.  A little further, they came to another small river which they crossed about fifty perches above where it empties into the said branch of Muskingham.  Here a high ridge on the right, and the creek close on the left, form a narrow defile about seventy perches long.  Passing afterwards over a very rich bottom, they came to the main branch of Muskingham, about seventy yards wide, with a good ford.  A little below and above the forks of this river is Tuscarowas, a place exceedingly beautiful by situation, the lands rich on both sides of the rivers; the country on the north0west side being an entire level plain, upwards of five miles in circumference.  From the ruined houses appearing here, the Indians who inhabited the place and are now with the Delawares, are supposed to have had about one hundred and fifty warriors.  This camp No. 12. is distant eight miles nineteen perches from the former.

Sunday 14th.  The army remained in camp; and two men who had been dispatched by Colonel Bouquet from Fort-Pitt, with letters for Colonel Bradstreet, returned and reported? - "That, within a few miles of this place, they had been made prisoners by the Delawares, and Carried to one of their towns sixteen miles from hence, where they were kept, till the savages, knowing of the arrival of the army here, set them at liberty, ordering them to acquaint the Colonel that the head men of the Delawares and Shawanese were coming as soon as possible to treat of peace with him."

Monday 15th.  The army moved two miles forty perches further down the Muskingham to camp No. 13, situated on a very high bank, with the river at the foot of it, which is upwards of 100 yards wide at this place, with a fine level country at some distance from its banks, producing stately timber, free from underwood, and plenty of food for cattle.

The day following, six Indians came to inform the Colonel that all their chiefs were assembled about eight miles from the camp, and were ready to treat with him of peace, which they were earnestly desirous of obtaining.  He returned for answer that he would meet them the next day in a bower at some distance from the camp.  In the mean time, he ordered a small stockaded fort to be built to deposit provisions for the use of the troops on their return; and to lighten the convoy.

As several large bodies of Indians were now within a few miles of the camp, whose former instances of treachery, although they now declared they came for peace, made it prudent to trust nothing to their intentions, the strictest orders were repeated to prevent a surprise.

Wednesday 17th.  The Colonel, with most of the regular troops, Virginia volunteers and light horse, marched from the camp to the bower erected for the congress.  And soon after the troops were stationed, so as to appear to the best advantage, the Indians arrived, and were conducted to the bower.  Being seated, they began, in a short time, to smoke their pipe or calumet, agreeable to their custom.  This ceremony being over, their speakers laid down their pipes, and opened their pouches, wherein were their strings and belts of wampum.  The Indians present were;

Kiyashuta, chief
15 warriors

Custaloga, chief of the Wolfe-tribe
Beaver, chief of the Turkey-tribe
20 warriors
Keissinautchtha, chief
6 warriors

Kiyashuta, Turtle-Heart, Custaloga and Beaver, were the speakers.

The general substance of what they had to offer, consisted in excuses for their late treachery and misconduct, throwing the blame on the rashness of their young men and the nations living to the westward of them, suing for peace in the most abject manner, and promising severally to deliver up all their prisoners.  After they had concluded, the Colonel promised to give them an answer the next day, and then dismissed them, the army returning to the camp.-The badness of the weather, however, prevented his meeting them again till the 20th, when he spoke to them in substance as follows, viz.

That their pretences to palliate their guilt by throwing the blame on the western nations, and the rashness of their young men, were weak and frivolous, as it was in our power to have protected them against all these nations, if they had solicited our assistance, and that it was their own duty to have chastised their young man when they did wrong, and not to suffer themselves to be directed by them.

He recapitulated to them many instances of their former perfidy - their killing or captivating the traders who had been sent among them at their own request, and plundering their effects; -- their attacking Fort Pitt, which had been built with their express consent; their murdering four men that had been sent on a public message to them, thereby violating the customs held sacred among all nations, however barbarous; -- their attacking the King's troops last year in the woods, and after being defeated in that attempt, falling upon our frontiers, where they had continued to muder our people to this day, &c.

He told them how treacherously they had violated even their late engagements with Colonel Bradstreet, to whom they had promised to deliver up their prisoners by the 10th of September last, and to recall all their warriors from the frontiers, which they had been so far from complying with, that the prisoners still remained in their depredations; adding, that these things which he had mentioned, were only "a small part of their numberless murders and breaches of faith; and that their conduct had always been equally perfidious. - You have, said he, promised at every former treaty, as you do now, that you would deliver up all your prisoners, and have received every time, on that account, considerable presents, but have never complied with that or any other engagement.  I am now to tell you, therefore, that we will be no longer imposed upon by your promises.  This army shall not leave your country till you have fully complied with every condition that is to precede my treaty with you.

I have brought with me the relations of the people you have massacred, or taken prisoners.  They are impatient for revenge; and it is with great difficulty that I can protect you against their just resentment which is only restrained by the assurances given them, that no peace shall ever be concluded till you have given us full satisfaction."

"Your former allies, the Ottawas, Chipwas, Wyandots, and others, have made their peace with us.  The Six Nations have joined us against you.  We now surround you, having possession of all the waters of the Ohio, the Mississippi, the Miamis, and the lakes.  All the French living in those parts are now subjects to the king of Great Britain, and dare no longer assist you.  It is in our power totally to extirpate you from being a people - but the English are a merciful and generous nation, averse to shed the blood, even of their most cruel enemies; and if it was possible that you could convince us, that you sincerely repent of your past perfidy, and that we could depend on your good behaviour for the future, you might yet hope for mercy and peace - If I find that you faithfully execute the following preliminary conditions, I will not treat you with the severity you deserve."

"I give you twelve days from this date to deliver into my hands at Wakatamake all the prisoners in your possession, without any exception; Englishmen, Frenchmen, women and children; whether adopted in your tribes, married, or living amongst you under any denomination and pretence whatsoever, together with all Negroes.  And you are to furnish the said prisoners with clothing, provisions, and horses, to carry them to Fort Pitt."

"When you have fully complied with these conditions, you shall then know on what terms you may obtain the peace you sue for."

This speech made an impression on the minds of the savages, which, it is hoped, will not soon be eradicated.  The firm and determined spirit with which the Colonel delivered himself, their consciousness of the aggravated injuries they had done us, and the view of the same commander and army that had so severely chastised them at Bushy-Run the preceding year, now advanced into the very heart of their remote settlements, after penetrating through wildernesses which they had deemed impassable by regular troops - all these things contributed to bend the haughty temper of the savages to the lowest degree of abasement; so that even their speeches seem to exhibit but few specimens of that strong and ferocious eloquence, which their inflexible spirit of independency has on former occasions inspired.  And though it is not to be doubted, if an opportunity had offered, but they would have fallen upon our army with their usual fierceness, yet when they saw the vigilance and spirit of our troops were such, that they could neither be attacked nor surprised with any prospect of success, their spirits seemed to revolt from the one extreme of insolent boldness, to the other of abject timidity.  And happy will it be for them and for us, if the instances of our humanity and mercy, which they experienced in that critical situation, shall make as lasting impressions on their savage dispositions, as it is believed that instances of our bravery and power have done; so that they may come to unite, with their fear of the latter, a love of the former; and have their minds gradually opened, by such examples, to the mild dictates of peace and civility.

The reader, it is to be hoped, will readily excuse this digression, if it should be thought one.  I now resume our narrative.  The two Delaware chiefs, at the close of their speech on the 17th, delivered eighteen white prisoners, and eighty-three small sticks, expressing the number of other prisoners which they had in their possession, and promised to bring in as soon as possible.  None of the Shawanese Kings appeared at the congress, and Keissinautchtha their deputy declined speaking until the Colonel had answered the Delawares, and then with a dejected sullenness he promised, in behalf of his nation, that they would submit to the terms prescribed to the other tribes.

The Colonel, however, determined to march farther into their country, knowing that the presence of his army would be the best security for the performance of their promises; and required some of each nation to attend him in his march.

Kavashuta addressed the several nations, before their departure, "desiring them to be strong in complying with their engagements, that they might wipe away the reproach of their former breach of faith, and convince their brothers the English that they could speak the truth; adding that he would conduct the army to the place appointed for receiving the prisoners."

Monday October 22d.  The army attended by the Indian deputies, marched nine miles to camp No. 14. crossing Margaret's creek about fifty feet wide - The day following, they proceeded sixteen miles one quarter and seventy seven perches farther to camp No. 15. and halted there one day.

Thursday 25.  They marched six miles, one half and sixteen perches to camp No. 16, situated within a mile of the Forks of Miskingham; and this place was fixed upon instead of Wakautamike, as the most central and convenient place to receive the prisoners; for the principal Indian towns now lay round them, distant from seven to twenty miles; excepting only the lower Shawanese town situated on Scioto river, which was about eighty miels; so that from this place the army had it in their power to awe all the enemy's settlements and destroy their towns, if they should not punctually fulfill the engagements they had entered into. - Four redoubts were built here opposite to the four angles of the camp; the ground in the front was cleared, a storehouse for the provisions erected, and likewise a house to receive, and treat of peace with, the Indians, when they should return.  Three houses with separate apartments were also raised for the reception of the captives of the respective provinces, and proper officers appointed to take charge of them, with a matron to attend the women and children; so that with the officers mess houses, ovens, &c. this camp had the appearance of a little town in which the greatest order and regularity were observed.

On Saturday 27th.  A messenger arrived from King Custalogs, informing that he was on his way with his prisoners, and also a messenger from the lower Shawanese towns of the like import.  The Colonel however, having no reason to suspect the latter nation of backwardness, sent one of their own people, desiring them - "to be punctual as to the time fixed; to provide a sufficient quantity of provisions to subsist the prisoners; to bring the letters wrote to him last winter by the French commandant at Fort Chartres, which some of their people had stopped ever since;" adding that, "as their nation had expressed some uneasiness at our not shaking hands with them, they were to know that the English never took their enemies by the hand, before peace was finally concluded."

The day following, the Shawanese messenger returned, saying that when he had proceeded as far as Wakautamike, the chief of that town undertook to proceed with the message himself, and desired the other to return and acquaint the English that all his prisoners were ready, and he was going to the lower towns to hasten theirs.

October 28th.  Peter the Caughnawaga chief, and twenty Indians of that nation arrived from Sanduski, with a letter from Colonel Bradstreet, in answer to one which Colonel Bouquet had sent to him from Fort-Pitt, by two of the Indians who first spoke to him in favour of the Shawanese, as hath been already mentioned.  The substance of Colonel Bradstreet's letter was "that he had settled nothing with the Shawanese and Delawares, nor received any prisoners from them. - That he had acquainted all the Indian nations, as far as the Illinois, the bay, &c. with the instructions he had received from General Gage, respecting the peace he had lately made; that he had been in Sanduski-lake and up the river as far as navigable for the Indian canoes, for near a month; but that he found it impossible to stay longer in these parts; absolute necessity obliging him to turn off the other way," &c.

Colonel Bradstreet, without doubt, did all which circumstances would permit, in his department; but his not being able to remain at Sanduski agreeable to the original plan, till matters were finally settled with the Ohio Indians, would have been an unfavourable incident, if Colonel Bouquet had not now had the chiefs of sundry tribes with him, and was so far advanced into the Indian country, that they thought it advisable to submit to the conditions imposed upon them.

The Caughnawagas reported that the Indians on the lakes had delivered but few of their prisoners; that the Ottawas had killed a great part of theirs, and the other nations had either done the same, or else kept them.

From this time to November 9th, was chiefly spent in sending and receiving messages to and from the Indian towns, relative to the prisoners, who were now coming into the camp one day after another in small parties, as the different nations arrived in whose possession they had been.  The Colonel kept so steadfastly to this article of having every prisoner delivered, that when the Delaware Kings, Beaver and Custaloga, had brought in all theirs except twelve, which they promised to bring in a few days, he refused to shake hands or have the least talk with them, while a single captive remained among them.

By the 9th of November, most of the prisoners were arrived that could be expected this season, amounting to 206* in the whole; besides about 100 more in possession of the Shawanese, which they promised to deliver the following spring.  Mr. Smallman, formerly a major in the Pennsylvania troops, who had been taken last summer near Detroit by the Wyandots, and delivered to the Shawanese, was among the number of those whom they now brought in, and informed the Colonel that the reason of their not bringing the remainder of their prisoners, was that many of their principal men, to whom they belonged, were gone to trade with the French, and would not return for six weeks; but that every one of their nation who were at home, had either brought or sent theirs.  He further said that, on the army's first coming into the country, it had been reported among the Shawanese that our intention was to destroy them all, on which they had resolved to kill their prisoners and fight us; that a French trader who was with them, and had many barrels of powder and ball, made them a present of the whole, as soon as they had come to this resolution; but that, happily for the poor captives, just as the Shawanese were preparing to execute this tragedy, they received the Colonel's message, informing them that his intentions were only to receive the prisoners and to make peace with them on the same terms he should give to the Delawares.

*Virginians . . . .     Males                32
                Females and children        58
Pennsylvanians . . . .    Males                49
                Females and children        67

On this intelligence they suspended their cruel purpose, and began to collect as many of the prisoners as they had power to deliver; but hearing immediately afterwards that one of our soldiers had been killed near the camp at Muskinham, and that some of their nation were suspected as guilty of the murder, they again imagined they would fall under our resentment, and therefore determined once more to stand out against us.  For which purpose, after having brought their prisoners as far as Wakautamike, where they heard this news, they collected them all into a field, and were going to kill them, when a second express providentially arrived from Colonel Bouquet, who assured them that their nation was not even suspected of having any concern in the aforesaid murder; upon which they proceeded to the camp to deliver up the captives, who had thus twice so narrowly escaped becoming the victims of their barbarity.

On Friday, November 9th, the Colonel, attended by most of the principal officers, went to the conference house.  The Senecas and Delawares were first treated with.  Kiyashuta and ten warriors represented the former, Custaloga and twenty warriors the latter.

Kiyashuta spoke - "With this string of wampum, we wipe the tears from your eyes - we deliver you these three prisoners, which are the last of your flesh and blood that remained among the Senecas and Custaloga's tribe of Delawares, we gather together and bury with this belt all the bones of the people that have been killed during this unhappy war, which the Evil Spirit occasioned among us.  We cover the bones that have been buried, that they may be never more remembered - We again cover their place with leaves that it may be no more seen. - As we have been long astray, and the path between you and us stopped, we extend this belt that it may be again cleared, and we may travel in peace to see our brethren as our ancestors formerly did.  While you hold it fast by one end, and we by the other, we shall always be able to discover anything that may disturb our friendship."

The Colonel answered that "he had heard them with pleasure; that he received these three last prisoners they had to deliver, and joined in burying the bones of those who had fallen in the war, so that their place might be no more know.  The peace you ask for, you shall now have.  The King, my master and your father, has appointed me only to make war; but he has other servants who are employed in the work of peace.  Sir William Johnson is empowered for that purpose.  To him you are to apply; but before I give you leave to go, two things are to be settled."

1.    "As peace cannot be finally concluded here, you will deliver me two hostages for the Senecas, and two for Custaloga's tribe, to remain in our hands at Fort Pitt, as a security, that you shall commit no further hostilities or violence against any of his Majesty's subjects; and when the peace is concluded these hostages shall be delivered safe back to you."

2.    "The deputies you are to send to Sir William Johnson, must be fully empowered to treat for your tribes, and you shall engage to abide by whatever they stipulate.  In that treaty, everything concerning trace and other matters will be settled by Sir William, to render the peace everlasting; and the deputies you are to send to him, as well as the hostages to be delivered to me, are to be named and presented to me for my approbation."

The Colonel, after promising to deliver back two of their people, Capt. Pipe, and Capt. John, whom he had detained at Fort-Pitt, took the chiefs by the hand for the first time, which gave them great joy.

The next conference was on November 10th, with the Turkey and Turtle tribes of Delawares, King Beaver their chief and thirty warriors representing the former; and Kelappama brother to their chief* with twenty five warriors the latter.  The Senecas and Custaloga's tribe of Delawares were also present.  Their speech and the answer given, were much the same as above; excepting that the Colonel insisted on their delivering up an Englishman, who had murdered one of our people on the frontiers and brought the scalp to them; and that they should appoint the same number of deputies and deliver the same number of hostages, for each of their tribes, as had been stipulated for Custaloga's tribe.

November 11.  King Beaver presented six hostages to remain with Colonel Bouquet, and five deputies to treat with Sir William Johnson, who were approved of.  This day he acquainted the chiefs present that as he had great reason to be dissatisfied with the conduct of Nettowhatways, the chief of the Turtle tribe who had not appeared, he therefore deposed  him; and that tribe were to chose and present another for his approbation.  This they did a few days afterwards - Smile not, reader, at this transaction; for though it may not be attended with so many splendid and flattering circumstances to a commander, as the deposing an East Indian Nabob or chief; yet to penetrate into the wildernesses where those stern West Indian Chieftains hold their sway, and to frown them from their throne, though be composed of the unhewn log, will be found to require both resolution and firmness; and their submitting to it clearly shows to what degree of humiliation they were reduced.

But to proceed.  The Shawanese still remained to be treated with, and though this nation saw themselves under the necessity of yielding to the same conditions with the other tribes, yet there had appeared a dilatoriness and fullen haughtiness in all their conduct, which rendered it very suspicious.

* The Chief of the Turtle tribe, for some reason, chose to absent himself.

The 12th of November was appointed for the conference with them; which was managed on their part by Keissinautchtha and Nimwha their chiefs, with the Red Hawke, Lavissimo, Bensivasica, Eqeecunwee, Keigleighque, and forty warriors; the Caughnawaga, Seneca and Delaware chiefs, with about sixty warriors, being also present.

The Red Hawke was their speaker, and as he delivered himself with a strange mixture of fierce pride, and humble submission, I shall add a passage or two from his speech.


You will listen to us your younger brothers; and as we discover some thing in your eyes that looks dissatisfaction with us, we now wipe away everything bad between us that you may clearly see - We clean your ears that you may hear - We remove everything bad from your heart, that it may be like the heart of your ancestors, when they thought of nothing but good. (Here he gave a wampum string).

Brother; when we saw you coming this road, you advanced towards us with a tomahawk in your hand; but we your younger brothers take it out of your hands and throw it up to God to dispose of as he pleases; by which means we hope never to see it more.  And now, brother, we beg leave that you who are a warrior, will take hold of this chain (giving a string) of friendship, and receive it from us, who are also warriors, and let us think no more of war, in pity to our old men, women and children. (Intimating, by this last expression, that it was mere compassion to them, and not inability to fight, that made their nation desire peace).

Their usual figure for making peace is burying the hatchet; but as such hatchets may be dug up again, perhaps he thought this new expression of "sending it up to God, or the Good Spirit, a much stronger emblem of the permanency and steadfastness of the peace now to be made.

He then produced a treaty held with the government of Pennsylvania 1701, and three messages or letters from that government of different dates; and concluded thus -

"Now Brother, I beg.  We who are warriors may forget our disputes, and renew the friendship which appears by these papers to have subsisted between our fathers." - He promised, in behalf of the rest of their nation, who were gone to a great distance to hunt, and could not have notice to attend the treaty, that they should certainly come to Fort-Pitt in the spring, and bring the remainder of the prisoners with them.

As the season was far advanced, and the Colonel could not stay long in these remote parts, he was obliged to rest satisfied with the prisoners the Shawanese had brought; taking hostages, and laying them under the strongest obligations, for the delivery of the rest; knowing that no other effectual method could at present be pursued.

He expostulated with them on account of their past conduct, and told them - "that he speech they had delivered would have been agreeable to him, if their actions had corresponded with their words.  You have spoken, said he, much of peace, but have neglected to comply with the only condition, upon which you can obtain it.  Keissinautchtha, one of your chiefs, met me a month ago at Tuscarawas, and accepted the same terms of peace for your nation, that were prescribed to the Senecas and Delawares; promising in ten days from that time to meet me here with all your prisoners - After waiting for you till now, you are come at last, only with a part of them, and propose putting off the delivery of ther rest ill the spring. - What right have you to expect different erms from those granted to the Delawares, &c. who have given me entire satisfaction by their ready submission to every thing required of them? - But I will cut this matter short with you, and before I explain myself further, I insist on your immediate answer to the following questions." -

1.    Will you forthwith collect and deliver up all the prisoners yet in your possession, and the French living smong you, with all the Negroes you have taken from us in this or any other war; and that without any exception or evasion whatsoever?"
2.    "Will you deliver six hostages into my hands as a security for your punctual performance of the above article, and that your nations shall commit no farther hostilities against the persons or property of his Majesty's subjects?"

Benevissico replied that "they agreed to give the hostages required, and said that he himself would immediately return to their lower towns and collect all our flesh and blood that remained among them, and that we should see them at Fort-Pitt as soon as possible. - That, as to the French, they had no power over them.  They were subjects to the King of England.  We might do with them what we pleased; though he believed they were all returned before this time to their own country."

They then delivered their hostages, and the Colonel told them "that though he had brought a Tomahawk in his hand, yet as they had now submitted, he would not let it fall on their heads, but let it drop to the ground, no more to be seen.  He exhorted them to exercise kindness to the captives, and look upon them now as brothers and no longer prisoners; adding, that he intended to send some of their relations along with the Indians, to see their friends collected and brought to Fort-Pitt.  He promised to give them letters to Sir William Johnson, to facilitate a final peace, and desired them to be strong in performing everything stipulated."

The Caughnawagas, the Delawares and Senecas, severally addressed the Shawanese, as grandchildren and Nephew, "to perform their promises, and to be strong in doing good, that this peace might be everlasting."

And here I am to enter on a scene, reserved on purpose for this place, that the thread of the foregoing narrative might not be interrupted - a scene, which language indeed can but weakly describe; and to which the Poet or Painter might have repaired to enrich their highest colourings of the variety of human passions; the Philosopher to find ample subject for his most serious reflections; and the Man to exercise all the tender and sympathetic feelings of the soul.

The scene I mean, was the arrival of the prisoners in the camp; where were to be seen fathers and mothers recognizing and clasping their once lost babes; husbands hanging round the necks of their newly-recovered wives; sisters and brothers unexpectedly meeting together after long separation, scarce able to speak the same language, or, for some time, to be sure that they were children of the same persons!  In all these interviews, joy and rapture inexpressible were seen, while feelings of a very different nature were painted in the looks of others; -- flying from place to place in eager enquiries after relatives not found!  Trembling to receive an answer to their questions!  Distracted with doubts, hopes and fears, on obtaining no account of those they sought for!  Or stiffened into living monuments of horror and woe, on learning their unhappy fate!

The Indians too, as if wholly forgetting their usual savageness, bore a capital part in heightening this most affecting scene.  They delivered up their beloved captives with the utmost reluctance; shed torrents of tears over them, recommending them to the care and protection of the commanding officer.  Their regard to them continued all the time they remained in camp.  They visited them from day to day; and brought them what corn, skins, horses and other matters, they had bestowed on them, while in their families; accompanied with other presents, and all the marks of the most sincere and tender affection.  Nay, they did not stop here, but, when the army marched, some of the Indians solicited and obtained leave to accompany their former captives all the way to Fort-Pitt, and employed themselves in hunting and bringing provisions for them on the road.  A young Mingo carried this still further, and gave an instance of love which would make a figure even in romance.  A young woman of Virginia was among the captives, to whom he had formed so strong an attachment, as to call her his wife.  Against all remonstrances of the imminent danger to which he exposed himself by approaching to the frontiers, he persisted in following her, at the risk of being killed by the surviving relations of many unfortunate persons, who had been captivated or scalped by those of his nation.

Those qualities in savages challenge our just esteem.  They should make us charitably consider their barbarities as the effects of wrong education, and false notions of bravery and heroism; while we should look on their virtues as sure marks that nature has made them fit subjects of cultivation as well as us; and that we are called by our superior advantages to yield them all the helps we can in this way.  Cruel and unmerciful as they are, by habit and long example, in war, yet whenever they come to give way to the native dictates of humanity, they exercise virtues which Christians need not blush to imitate.  When they once determine to give life, they give every thing with it, which, in their apprehension, belongs to it.  From every enquiry that has been made, it appears - that no woman thus saved is preserved from base motives, or need fear the violation of her honour.  No child is otherwise treated by the persons adopting it than the children of their own body.  The perpetual slavery of those captivated in war, is a notion which even their barbarity has not yet suggested to them.  Every captive whom their affection, their caprice, or whatever else, leads them to save, is soon incorporated with them, and fares alike with themselves.

These instances of Indian tenderness and humanity were thought worthy of particular notice.  The like instances among our own people will not seem strange; and therefore I shall only mention one, out of a multitude that might be given on this occasion.

Among the captives, a woman was brought into the camp at Muskingham, with a babe about three months old at her breast.  One of the Virginia volunteers soon knew her to be his wife, who had been taken by the Indians about six months before.  She was immediately delivered to her overjoyed husband.  He flew with her to his tent, and clothed her and his child in proper apparel.  But their joy, after the first transports, was soon damped by their reflection that another dear child of about two years old, captivated with the mother, and separated from her, was still missing, altho' many children had been brought in.

A few days afterwards, a number of other prisoners were brought to the camp, among whom were several more children.  The woman was sent for, and one, supposed to be hers, was produced to her.  At first sight she was uncertain, but viewing the child with great earnestness, she soon recollected its features; and was so overcome with joy, that literally forgetting her sucking child she dropt it from her arms, and catching up the new found child in an ecstasy, pressed it to her breast, and bursting into tears carried it off, unable to speak for the joy.  The father seizing up the babe she had let fall, followed her in no less transport and affection.

Among the children who had been carried off young, and had long lived with the Indians, it is not to be expected that any marks of joy would appear on being restored to their parents or relatives.  Having been accustomed to look upon the Indians as the only connexions they had, having been tenderly treated by them, and speaking their language, it is no wonder that they considered their new state in the light of a captivity, and parted from the savages with tears.

But it must not be denied that there were even some grown persons who showed an unwillingness to return.  The Shawanese were obliged to bind several of their prisoners and force them along to the camp; and some women, who had been delivered up, afterwards found means to escape and run back to the Indian towns.  Some, who could not make their escape, clung to their savage acquaintance at parting, and continued many days in bitter lamentations, even refusing sustenance.

For the honour of humanity, we would suppose those persons to have been of the lowest rank, either bred up in ignorance and distressing penury, or who had lived so long with the Indians as to forget all their former connections.  For, easy and unconstrained as the savage life is, certainly it could never be put in competition with the blessings of improved life and the light of religion, by any persons who had had the happiness of enjoying, and the capacity of discerning, them.

Every thing being now settled with the Indians, the army decamped on Sunday 18th November, and marched for Fort-Pitt, where it arrived on the 28th.  The regular troops were immediately sent to garrison the different posts on the communication, and the provincial troops, with the captives, to their several provinces.  Here ended this expedition, in which it is remarkable that, notwithstanding the many difficulties attending it, the troops were never in want of any necessaries; continuing perfectly healthy during the whole campaign; in which no life was lost, except the man mentioned to have been killed at Muskingham.

In the beginning of January 1765, Colonel Bouquet arrived at Philadelphia, receiving, wherever he came, every possible mark of gratitude and esteem from the people in general; and particularly from the overjoyed relations of the captives, whom he had so happily, and without bloodshed, restored to their country and friends.  Nor was the legislative part of the provinces less sensible of his important services.  The assembly of Pennsylvania, at their first sitting, unanimously voted him the following address;

In ASSEMBLY, January 15, 1765, A. M.

To the Honourable HENRY BOUQUET, Esq;

Commander in Chief of His MAJESTY's Forces in the Southern
Department of AMERICA,

The Address of the Representatives of the Freemen of the Province of
Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met.


The representatives of the freemen of the province of Pennsylvania, in general assembly met, being informed that you intend shortly to embark for England, and moved with a due sense of the important services you have rendered to his Majesty, his northern colonies in general, and to this province in particular, during our late wars with the French and barbarous Indians, in the remarkable victory over the savage enemy, united to oppose you, near Bush-Run, in August 1763, when on your march for the relief of Pittsburg, owing, under God, to your intrepidity and superior skill in command, together with the bravery of your officers and little army; as also in your late march to the country of the savage nations, with the troops under your direction; thereby striking terror through the numerous Indian tribes around you; laying a foundation for a lasting as well as honourable peace with them; and rescuing, from savage captivity, upwards of two hundred of our Christian brethren, prisoners among them: these eminent services, and your constant attention to the civil rights of his Majesty's subjects in this province, demand, Sir, the grateful tribute of thanks from all good men; and therefore we, the representatives of the freemen of Pennsylvania, unanimously for ourselves, and in behalf of all the people of this province, do return you our most sincere and hearty thanks for these your great services, wishing you a safe and pleasant voyage to England, with a kind and gracious reception from his Majesty.

                        Signed, by order of the House,
                        JOSEPH FOX, speaker

The Colonel's answer was as follows, viz.

To the Honourable the REPRESENTATIVES of the FREEMEN of the province of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met.


With a heart impressed with the most lively sense of gratitude, I return you my humble and sincere thanks, for the honour you have done me in your polite address of the 15th of January, transmitted me to New-York by your speaker.

Next to the approbation of His Sacred Majesty, and my superiour officers, nothing could afford me higher pleasure than your favourable opinion of my conduct, in the discharge of those military commands with which I have been intrusted.

Gratitude as well as justice demand of me to acknowledge, that the aids granted by the legislature of this province, and the constant assistance and support afforded me by the honourable the Governor and Commissioners in the late expedition, have enabled me to recover so many of his Majesty's subjects from a cruel captivity, and be the happy instrument of restoring them to freedom and liberty; To you therefore, gentlemen, is the greater share of that merit due, which you are generously pleased on this occasion to impute to my services.

Your kind testimony of my constant attention to the civil rights of his Magesty's subjects in this Province, does me singular honour, and calls for the return of my warmest acknowledgments.

Permit me to take this public opportunity of doing justice to the officers of the regular and provincial troops, and the volunteers, who had served with me, by declaring that, under Divine Providence, the repeated successes of his Majesty's arms against a savage enemy, are principally to be ascribed to their courage and resolution, and to their perseverance under the severest hardships and fatigue.

I sincerely with prosperity and happiness to the province, and have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, Gentlemen,
                    Your most obedient, and most humble servant,
                        HENRY BOUQUET
February 4, 1765

Soon afterwards the Colonel received a very polite and affectionate letter from Governor Fauquier, dated 25th of December, inclosing resolves of the honourable members of his Majesty's Council, and of the house of Burgesses, for the colony and dominion of Virginia.

Those respectable bodies unamimously returned their thanks to him for the activity, spirit and zeal, with which he had reduced the Indians to terms of peace, and compelled those savages to deliver up so many of his Majesty's subjects whom they had in captivity.  They further requested the Governor to recommend him to his Majesty's ministers, as an officer of distinguished merit, in this and every former service in which he has been engaged.

The Colonel, in his answer, acknowledge the ready assistance and countenance which he had always received from the Governor and colony of Virginia in carrying on the King's service; and mentioned his particular obligations to Colonel Lewis, for his zeal and good conduct during the campaign.

The honours thus bestowed on him, his own modesty made him desirous of transferring to the officers and army under his command; and indeed the mutual confidence and harmony subsisting between him and them, highly rebound to the reputation of both.  He has taken every occasion of doing justice to the particular merit of Colonel Reid who was second in command; and also to all the officers who served in the expedition, regulars as well as provincials.

The reader will observe that the public bodies who resented these addresses to the Colonel, not only wished to express their own gratitude, but likewise to be instrumental in recommending him to the advancement his services merited.  And surely it is a happy circumstance to obtain promotion, not only unenvied, but even with the general approbation and good wishes of the public.  It ought, however to be mentioned, that on the first account his Majesty received of this expedition, and long before those testimonies could reach England, he was graciously pleased of his own royal goodness and as a reward of the Colonel's merit, to promote him to the rank of Brigadier General, and to the command of the southern district of America.  And as he is rendered as dear, by his private virtues, to those who have the honour of his more intimate acquaintance, as he is by his military services to the public, it is hoped he may long continue among us; where his experienced abilities will enable him, and his love of the English constitution entitle him, to fill any future trust to which his Majesty may be pleased to call him.



It was mentioned in the 25th page of this account, that the Shawanese brought only a part of their prisoners with them to Colonel Bouquet at Miskingham, in November last; and that, as the season was far advanced, he was obliged to rest satisfied with taking hostages for the delivery of the remainder at Fort-Pitt, in the ensuing spring.

The escape of those hostages soon afterwards, as well as the former equivocal conduct of their nation, had given reason to doubt the sincerity of their intentions with respect to the performance of their promises.  But we have the satisfaction to find that they punctually have fulfilled them.  Ten of their chiefs, and about fifty of their warriors, attended with many of their women and children, met George Croghan, Esq; deputy agent to Sir William Johnson, at Fort-Pitt, the 9th of last may; together with a large body of Delawares, Senecas, Sandusky and Munsy Indians; where they delivered the remainder of their prisoners, brightened the chain of friendship, and gave every assurance of their firm intentions to preserve the peace inviolable for ever.

There is something remarkable in the appellation they gave to the English on this occasion; calling them Fathers instead of Brethren.

Lawaughqua, the Shawanese speaker, delivered himself in the following terms:

Fathers, for so we will call you henceforward; listen to what we are going to say to you.

It gave us great pleasure yesterday to be called the children of the great King of England; and convinces us your intentions towards us are upright, as we know a Father will be tender of his children, and they are more ready to obey him than a brother.  Therefore we hope our Father will now take better care of his children, than has heretofore been done.

You put us in mind of our promise to Colonel Bouquet; which was to bring your flesh and blood to be delivered at this place.  Father, you have not spoke in vain - you see we have brought them with us, -- except a few that were out with our hunting parties, which will be brought here as soon as they return.

They have been all united to us by adoption; and altho' we now deliver them up to you, we will always look upon them as our relations, whenever the great Spirit is pleased that we may visit them.

Father, we have taken as much care of them, as if they were our own flesh and blood.  They are now become unacquainted with your customs and manners; and therefore, we request you will use them tenderly and kindly, which will induce them to live contentedly with you.

Here is a belt with the figure of our Father the King of Great Britain at one end, and the Chief of our nation at the other.  It represents them holding the chain of friendship; and we hope neither side will slip their hands from it, so long as the Sun and Moon give light.

The reader will further remember that one of the engagements which the different Indian Tribes entered into with Colonel Bouquet, was to get deputies to conclude a peace with Sir William Johnson.  This has also been punctually fulfilled; and we are assured that Sir William "has finished his congress greatly to his satisfaction, and even beyond his expectations."  Thus every good consequence has ensued from this important expedition, which our fondest wishes could have induced us to expect from the known valour and spirit of the able commander who had the conduct of it; and we now have the pleasure once more to behold the temple of Janus shut, in this westernworld!





The long continued ravages of the Indians on the frontiers of the British colonies in America, and the fatal overthrows which they have sometimes given our best disciplined troops, especially in the beginning of the late war, have rendered them an object of our consideration, even in their military capacity.  And as but few officers, who may be employed against them, can have opportunities to observe the true causes of their advantages over European troops in the woods, it is with the utmost pleasure that I now proceed to lay before the public the following valuable papers, which I mentioned to have been communicated to me by an officer of great abilities and long experience, in our wars with the Indians.

As scarce anything has yet been published on a subject now become of the highest importance to our colonies, these papers will undoubtedly be an acceptable present to the reader, and the remarks contained in them may be more and more improved by the future care and attention of able men, till perhaps a complete system is at length formed for the conduct of this particular species of war.



The love of liberty is innate in the savage; and seems the ruling passion of the state of nature.  His desires and wants, being few, are easily gratified, and leave him much time to spare, which he would spend in idleness, if hunger did not force him to hunt.  That exercise makes him strong, active and bold, raises his courage, and fits him for war, in which he uses the same stratagems and cruelty as against the wild beasts; making no scruple to employ treachery and perfidy to vanquish his enemy.

Jealous of his independence and of his property, he will not suffer the least encroachment on either; and upon the slightest suspicion, fired with resentment, he becomes an implacable enemy, and flies to arms to vindicate his right, or revenge an injury.

The advantages of these savages over civilized nations are both natural and acquired.  They are tall and well limbed, remarkable for their activity, and have a piercing eye and quick ear, which are of great service to them in the woods.

Like beasts of prey, they are patient, deceitful, and rendered by habit almost insensible to the common feelings of humanity.  Their barbarous custom of scalping their enemies, in the heat of action; the exquisite torments often inflicted by them on those reserved for a more deliberate fate; their general ferocity of manners, and the successes wherewith they have often been flushed, have conspired to render their name terrible, and some times to strike a panic even into our bravest and best disciplined troops.

Their acquired advantages are, that they have been inured to bear the extremes of heat and cold; and from their infancy, in winter and summer, to plunge themselves in cold streams, and to go almost naked exposed to the scorching sun or nipping frosts, till they arrive to the state of manhood.  Some of them destroy the sensation of the skin by scratching it with the short and sharp teeth of some animal, disposed in the form of a curry-comb, which makes them regardless of briars and thorns in running thro' thickets.  Rivers are no obstacles to them in their wild excursions.  They either swim over, or cross them on rafts or canoes, of an easy and ready construction.

In their expeditious they live chiefly by hunting, or on wild fruits and roots, with which the woods supply them almost everywhere.

They can bear hunger and thirst for several days, without slackening, on that account, their perseverance in any proposed enterprise.  

By constant practice in hunting, they learn to shoot with great skill, either with bows, or fire-arms; and to steal unperceived upon their prey, pursuing the tracts of men and beasts, which would be imperceptible to an European.  They can run for a whole day without halting, when flying from an enemy, or when sent on any message.  They steer, as if by instinct, thro' trackless woods, and with astonishing patience can le whole days motionless in ambush to surprise an enemy, esteeming no labour or perseverance too painful to obtain their ends.

They besmear their bodies with bear's grease, which defends them against rains and damps, as well as against the stings of Muskitoes and Gnats.  It likewise supples their limbs, and makes them as slippery as the ancient gladiators, who could not be held fast when seized in fight.

Plain food, constant exercise, and living in the open air, preserve them healthy and vigorous.

They are powerfully excited to war by the custom established among them, of paying distinguished honours to warriors.

They fight only when they think to have the advantage, but cannot be forced to it, being sure by their speed to elude the most eager pursuit.

Their dress consists of the skins of some wild beast, or a blanket, a shirt either of linen, or of dressed skins, a breechcloth, leggings, reaching half way up the thigh, and fastened to belt, with mokashons on their feet.  They use no ligatures that might obstruct the circulation of their blood, or agility of their limbs.  They shave their head, reefing only a small tuft of hair on the top; and slit the outer part of the ears, to which, by weights, they give a circular form, extending it down to their shoulders.

They adorn themselves with ear and nose rings, bracelets of silver and wampum, and paint their faces with various colours.  When they prepare for an engagement they paint themselves black, and fight naked.

Their arms are a susri, or rifle, a powder horn, a shot pouch, a tomahawk, and a scalping knife hanging to their neck.

When they are in want of fire-arms, they supply them by a bow, a spear, or a death hammer, which is a short club made of hard wood.

Their usual utensils are a kettle, a spoon, a looking glass, an awl, a steel to strike fire, some paint, a pipe and tobacco-pouch.  For want of tobacco, they smoke some particular leaves, or the bark or a willow; which is almost their continual occupation.

Thus lightly equipped do the savages lie in wait to attack, at some difficult pass, the European soldier, heavily accoutered, harassed by a tedious march, and encumbered with an unwieldy convoy.

Experience has convinced us that it is not our interest to be at war with them; but if, after having tried all means to avoid it, they force us to it, (which in all probability will often happen) we should endeavour to fight them upon more equal terms, and regulate our maneuvers upon those of the enemy we are to engage, and the nature of the country we are to act in.

It does not appear from our accounts of Indian wars, that the savages were as brave formerly as we have found them of late; which must be imputed to their unexpected successes against our troops o some occasions, particularly in 1755' and from the late resistance they have since met with from defenseless inhabitants.

It is certain that even at this day, they seldom expose their persons to danger, and depend entirely upon their dexterity in concealing themselves during an engagement, never appearing openly, unless they have struck their enemies with terror, and have thereby rendered them incapable of defense.-From whence it may be inferred that, if they were beat two or three times, they would lose that confidence inspired by success, and be less inclined to engage in wars which might end fatally for them.  But this cannot reasonably be expected, till we have troops trained to fight them in their own way, with the additional advantage of European courage and discipline.

Any deviation from our established military system would be needless, if valour, seal, order and good conduct, wee sufficient to subdue this light-footed enemy.  These qualities are conspicuous in our troops; but they are to heavy, and indeed too valuable, to be employed alone in a destructive service for which they were never intended.  They require the assistance of lighter corps, whose dress, arms and exercises, should be adapted to this new kind of war.